Tuesday, 8 November 2016

A proposal to establish Informal Economy Vendors Associations in Papua New Guinea: FINAL PART

This is a continuation of a series of discussion around the concept of establishing Informal Economy Vendors Association (IEVA) in Papua New Guinea. Part 1 provided a background to the IEVA concept, part 2 explained the methodology and outlined the literature review. In this final part of the paper I provide my  arguments of why PNG needs to organise informal economy vendors/participants into Informal Economy Vendors Associations. I conclude my discussion with a list of recommendations or wayforward. 

Note: Discussions are extracted from a research paper written by Busa Jeremiah Wenogo as a partial fulfillment of the requirements of the NRI Diploma in Economic Policy Analysis Course of 2016


5. Discussion

In this paper the proposed informal economy vendors associations covers every sub-sector of the informal economy and it’s not limited to betelnut and cigarettes sellers or market vendors for that matter. Beyond the betelnut and cigarette vendors there are vendors who are engaged in varieties of informal economic activities in the agriculture, artisan and crafts, floriculture and horticulture industry. Outside of the markets there are street vendors, mobile traders and peddlers who specialised in certain trades. At any one time any of these sub-sector of the informal economy can organise themselves into a vendors association to promote their trades and protect their interest. In essence, informal economy vendors association is an attempt to “organize” the “unorganised” informal economy for the purpose of influencing policy and legislative reforms that will promote the interest of the informal economy in PNG. At present informal economic activities in PNG are conducted without proper control in place to curb its problems. In addition, being unorganised informal economy participants are not able to band together as a group to demand or voice their concern on issues of importance to them. The need to introduce and strengthen a mechanism to allow better representation of the informal economy participants in governance at the local government level was one of the key recommendations of the CIMC Commissioned PNG Informal Sector Study(Eugenio, 2001).Furthermore the NRI study on rural informal sector (economy) in PNG highlighted that 90% of the respondents indicated having received no form of assistance. It attributes this to the absence of institutions that are mandated to disseminate such information(Sowei, Vatnabar, & Lahari, 2010). It highlights a gap in terms of informal economy centred institutional set-up. Churches, schools, LLG, councillors and non-government organization operating in most rural areas are not able to address issues affecting the rural informal economy. The breakdown and non-existence of cooperative societies further compounds the problem. This demonstrates that the informal economy is operating in an institutional vacuum or gap without any link to and is not represented in existing governance structures. Thus informal workers are constrained by a lack of voice (in opportunities to exercise influence and bargaining power), visibility (in data and evidence on informal work) and validity (in legal identity and recognition). These mutually reinforcing constraints mean that the informal economy participants are not supported, represented and their contributions to national and local economies go unrecognized and undervalued.(Klugman & Tyson, 2016).
Thus the objective of creating informal economy vendors associations is to enhance representation of interest groups involved in the informal economy in the decision making processes of government at all levels so that harmonious relationships are created in order for informal economy to be recognized and provided a space to thrive alongside the formal sector. [b1] The establishment of informal economy vendors associations is vital as most of the vendors are aware of the importance and benefits of being organized, in terms of being able to get assistance or aid from the government, obtaining vital information and sharing it with the members, and being able to protect the rights of the members(Eugenio, 2001). Obviously there is a danger that such a mechanism would come to be dominated by a small group of big operators whose interests might be in opposition to those of small operators. That is something that will require consistent feedback from members of the associations about the running of the associations. This may well be addressed through having a lean organizational structure (rather than a more cumbersome and complex structure) that has a very effective network with its memberships. This entails the free flow of information between it and its memberships. However, this is an area that would require further research to ensure that the chosen institution advocates and actions fairness and equity at all cost.


5.1 Country Case Studies of Vendors Associations


This section summarises findings from studies(Iriarte Quezada, 2014), (Kusakabe, 2006) and update from(Kaugla & Cheong, 2016).

Case Study 1

Country: India

Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA)

Established in 1972, the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) is a “movement” of self-employed women in rural and urban India, and is the largest trade union of the country. It has pioneered the empowerment of self-employed women and of women employed in informal economy enterprises (i.e., small, unregistered enterprises) and where 93 per cent of India’s female labour force is employed. SEWA not only provides a voice to the numerous yet unprotected women workers, but also seeks to ensure work and income security, food security and social security for all its members and to promote women’s leadership at the micro, meso and macro levels.
SEWA’s key activities consist of organizing self-employed women to promote their collective strength, cooperation and leadership at the grassroots level through unions, cooperatives, producer groups and networks; facilitating their access to social security and social protection through social service organizations; advocating better social protection and labour standards for them at the macro-level; and building their capacity through formal education and professional training.

Case Study 2:

Country: Cambodia

The Vendors Association

Having a precarious status in the public place and at the same time being unable able to build relationships of trust with other street vendors makes street vendors very vulnerable to shock, since they have few people to rely on. The Vendors’ Association, organized in 1994, was an attempt to build 19 Country cases relationships among vendors. Kusakabe et al.’s (2001) study showed that association members displayed a higher sense of reciprocity, cooperation and mutual help and hope for the future as compared to non-members. They also had a higher sense of trust in the state and social system, and showed more engagement in improving their and their fellow vendors’ livelihoods. The study suggested that one of the ways to foster self-governance in street vending is to strengthen such associations.

Case Study 3

Country: Papua New Guinea

UNWomen/NCDC Safe Cities Market Project – Lessons from Gerehu and Gordons Market (Port Moresby)

In addressing the issue of organising the informal economy participants into vendors associations in PNG, UNWomen working in partnership with the National Capital District Commission (NCDC) through the Safe Cities Market Project has been able to undertake vendor identification and registration exercises which have laid the platform for organizing vendors into groups (associations). The two organisations then facilitated the election of executives for these groups. The associations are supported by the NCDC Gender Desk which provides technical guidance and logistic support. As of 2014 the project has covered the Gerehu and Gordons Market and estimates are that the project has already created 14-17 vendor groups covering about 1500 vendors. Through the project women market vendors have opened up basic savings accounts to save their daily takings. Basic financial literacy training, and other types of training are also organized for the registered vendors.The NCDC is able to collect fees through a Billpay system although this is not currently used, and is separate to the vendors’ association.Through the vendors’ association, NCDC is able to communicate more effectively through regular meetings. In addition, the vendors were also consulted during the recent drafting of the Markets Policy and Markets Bylaws. Financial institutions are also able to work with the vendors association to facilitate financial literacy training (Kaugla & Cheong, 2016).

Lessons learnt from this project can be extended with the establishment of informal economy vendors associations which will have a broader focus. This is important because the government is now at the threshold of creating a “national law” on the informal economy. (Constitutional and Law Reform Commission, 2014). Thus lessons learnt from this project needs to be replicated to other provinces albeit an increase in the scope or focus given that the UNWomen/NCDC Safe Cities Market project only focuses on addressing violence inflicted on women and girls in the informal markets. Outside of the markets there are countless of peddlers and mobile traders made up of self-employed men, women and youths who ply their trades openly. This category of informal economy are at high risk of falling victim to violence and abuse from criminals, police, enforcement authorities such as the Betelnut Ban enforcers and the public at large(Kusakabe, 2006). Most of them are also “bread winners” of their family and they like the women in the informal markets also need to be heard and represented. This is where the proposed informal economy vendors associations can be their “mouthpiece” to bargain and negotiate for a fairer deal. An association that represents the interest of the informal economy participants can also project a “common voice” beyond ethnic and socio-economic affiliation. A recent scoping study conducted by UNWomen under its Safe Cities Market project found that there are limited organised groups within the markets and the few existing grassroots organisations are generally fractioned and divided by ethnicity. Market vendors associations are non-existent which makes it harder for vendors at the market to voice their concerns and demand their rights with local level government and the markets management(UNWomen, 2011). Also important to include are concerns of informal economy participants operating outside of open markets such as home based industries like cooking, sewing, room letting and  tuckshop owners.

5.2 Challenges confronting the proposed Informal Economy Vendors Associations

The organization of the informal economy into the proposed informal economy vendors associations is not the panacea to addressing problems plaguing the informal economy. For a start, there is a high possibility that such an idea may become a political football if executives of the association are easily moved by political interest (Bhowmik, 2005). Internally, there is a danger of fragmentation where a small minority of members in collaboration with the executives could dominate the association. Most often is the case the formation of informal economy vendors associations does not guarantee automatic recognition and support from the government. In some countries like Bangladesh political parties continue to render lip service to street vendors although they are organised into associations(Bhowmik, 2005). To gain recognition from the government the associations will have to conduct extensive advocacy and awareness campaign on the importance of the informal economy as well as lobby for political representation. Furthermore, political interest from both outside and within can easily deviate the organization away from its core mandate and could lead to its extinction. For instance, in India the growth of SEWA’s membership to 1.75 million women has made it an important political target for parties keen on using the organization as a “vote bank” for elections. While the organization has always been clear about its intention to avoid electoral politics, it needs to continuously ward off attempts by political actors to manipulate its members(Iriarte Quezada, 2014). However, the paper argues that PNG with a large and growing informal economy is now at a critical juncture of its development where it needs to link up the informal economy with the formal sector inorder to address the exponential rise in unemployment among the youths and the widening income disparity between the rich and poor. Therefore, recognizing the valuable role of the informal economy the PNG government needs to actively engage with the proposed vendors associations. On their part the associations need to be independent (guided by strong ethics and code of conduct) so that it remains a strong advocate of informal economy. Governments will come and governments will go but it needs to maintain its stance. It also needs to be managed and driven by competent people who are passionate about addressing the issues impacting the informal economy. In the case of UNWomen/NCDC Safe Cities Market Project, both organisation provide supervision when it comes to the election of executives(Kaugla & Cheong, 2016). Without their support it is highly likely the election process could be high jacked and the association dominated by a small group of people with their own interest. There is also a high chance of executives been elected not on merit but on “whom you know” basis. However, there are limitations or constraints most of which are more in the area of capacity building. UNWomen and NCDC provide trainings in the area of interpreting the association’s constitutions and how to conduct elections of executives. In addition, the association and its members are made aware of the rules and regulations so that they are able to conduct their activities within the confinement of the law. Yet with a large illiterate membership awareness campaigns has to be on an ongoing basis. There are also issues with accessing trainings from government agencies such as the SME Corporation to provide trainings on entrepreneurial and business development skills crucial to up skilling the vendors so that they can move up into the SME Sector. Most important of all the registration of informal economy vendors associations with the PNG Investment Promotion Authority is an ongoing problem. (Kaugla & Cheong, 2016). This once again demonstrates the fact that even with the establishment of informal economy vendors associations it does not guarantee a quick fix solution to problems affecting the informal economy. Furthermore, if government agencies like the PNG Investment Promotion Authority do not facilitate the formal set-up of these associations one can expect the informal economy to continue operating without conformity to established laws and regulations. External factors such as bureaucratic “red tapes” can significantly affect the work of the associations.

The associations need to advocate for a gradual transitional process when it comes to argument for the informal economy to move into the formal sector. There are instances where “formalization” process may not yield the required results when compliance issues are too bureaucratic and taxation policies are too tough. This is when small newly registered businesses and to some degree established businesses tend to go underground, back into the informal economy. It is the role of the association to work with its members in partnership with government to ensure that appropriate reforms in terms of policies and regulations are put in place to encourage more informal economy micro-enterprises to transition into the SME Sector. Yet once again this does not guarantee that with the establishment of association informal economic enterprises will automatically embrace the road to formality. Only few will quickly transition into the formal sector while the rest will make their way into the formal sector after an extended period of time. Others may not even make the journey to formality, but increasing participation in economic activities that brings improvement in human welfare is equally important. This requires patience from policy makers and proponents of SME development and formal sector led growth.

Working with the government through the existing governance structure also poses its own challenge. For a start it will entail that the association will need to compromise and find a balance in managing the expectation of its members and aligning the organizations’ goals to that of the government. If the association decides to break away and operate as a fully pledge CSO it will have to ensure that it does not take a confrontational approach so as it cut off government support and recognition altogether. On the other hand the association itself will also need to be equipped with skilled managers and leaders who are able to lobby the government to accept their position on issues of importance to their membership. Apart from government they will also have to reach out to other partners such as donors and development partners to support its work.

5.3 An examination of the current Political Governance system of PNG and its implication on the informal economy representation

In his paper looking at the policy debate surrounding the informal economy in late colonial Port Moresby, John Conroy contended that The PNG Constitution informed by the Faber Mission Report of 1972 and Eight Aims officially recognized the informal economy. The Report adopted (Keith) Hart's 'informal sector' construct as its primary vehicle for increasing participation by Papua New Guineans in the monetary economy, and the Eight Aims were suffused with concepts supportive of the informal sector(Conroy, John, 2015). Therefore, it can be argued that for PNG establishing an entity such as the informal economy vendors association can be linked to achieving the aspirations of the country.
However, the current legislative frameworks that operationalised the prevailing governance structure at the National, Provincial and LLG level that came into being after the 1995 reforms on the Decentralisation failed to recognize and promote the informal economy in PNG. The Organic Law on Provincial & Local Level Government, the Provincial Administration Act 1997, Local Level Government Administration Act 1997 and the recent District Development Authority Act 2015 are silent when it comes to “informal economy” representation. Although there are provisions such as section 5 of the Provincial Administration Act (Independent State of Papua New Guinea, Provincial Governments Administration Act 1997 (No 7 of 1997), 1997)and Section 7 of the LLG Administration Act (Independent State of Papua New Guinea, Local Level Governments Administration Act (No.33 of 1997), 1997)and the creation of Provincial Coordination and Monitoring Committee under Provincial & Local Level Services Monitoring Authority that provides opportunities for informal economy representation in the Provincial and LLG Assembly(Independent State of Papua New Guinea, Organic Law on Provincial Governments and Local-level Governments (No 29 of 1998), 1998), to date no such representation is in place anywhere in PNG. Even the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004(Independent State of Papua New Guinea, Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004, 2004); a law meant to encouraged the development of the informal economy in PNG did not provide a provision to encourage the grouping of the informal economy let alone representation of the informal economy in the governance system. Infact the law excluded the creation of the informal economy vendors association when it excluded the Association Incorporation Act in Section 18 (Exclusion Claus). The result has been a gross abuse and total neglect of the informal economy with violence, harassment and abuse still prevalent.

Furthermore, women who make-up a large proportion of informal economy participants although are well represented in the respective assemblies, the poor state of the informal economy right across PNG leaves a lot to be desired about their ability to convince the top brass of governance like politicians to address issues affecting the growth of the informal economy. It’s fair to say that women representatives in the two assemblies and the Joint Provincial Planning & Budget Priorities Committee (JPP & BPC) and Joint District Planning& Budget Priorities Committee (JDP & BPC) for that matter are burdened with “shopping lists” of issues that make it very difficult to commit adequate time and resources to address informal economy related issues. The same can be said for the youth who are also a major player in the informal economy. This is where informal economy representation is critical to promote and advocate agendas that will accrue significant benefits to its members. 

The lack of attention given to the informal economy is partly a result of the government’s shift in focus and priority away from the agriculture sector as far as economic policy goes. The period between1975 and much of 1980s was a period characterized by increased focus on achieving broad based economic development. As such agriculture was seen as an important sector in achieving this goal. However, since the commodity boom especially when the prices of mineral and petroleum products went up, agriculture has struggled to gain attention and recognition from the government (Miok K. Komolong, 2012). The knock on effect of that was that the informal economy never featured prominently in successive government’s development agenda until 2004 when the Somare led government passed the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004.This was immediately followed by the development of the National Informal Economy Policy 2011-2015 which was launched in 2010. Yet these ground breaking initiatives have not done much interms of garnering support and changing government’s approach towards the informal economy. At present government priority is still in the extractive sector while agriculture and informal economy in general are languishing. Findings in Manila, Philippines have also demonstrated that laws and policies that are meant to protect informal economy participants are not translated into practice by the government. As a result street vendors are still being victimised(Bhowmik, 2005). This is where the paper argues that organising PNG informal economy vendors into associations and then providing these associations space in the governance structure of the country is crucial to promoting and empowering informal economy participants in the country.  Just forming vendors associations is not enough.

At present there is a lack of close consultation between the informal economy participants and the town and urban authorities. Key to this is the limited amount of alienated land for new developments. Without adequate representation to planners and policy makers, the priorities in the informal economy could be increasingly marginalized from those engaged in formal employment.

Given the governments’ push to drive the economy through stimulating growth in the formal sector, more and more land may well be allocated for these investments at the expense of the informal economy which caters for the majority of Papua New Guineas’ urban and rural dwellers. Therefore, in light of this reality urban planning may become biased infavour of formal business creating a situation whereby informal economic activities may not be given space to operate in. In light of the possibility of such situation arising the informal economy vendors associations can advocate for the interests of the informal economy to be explicitly captured in the planning process. In countries such as Colombia city planners have attempted to cleanse the city of the informal economy. In this case, provision of alternative space depends largely on how strongly the union can press for this demand. It was possible to influence government through unions of street vendors. In fact the government agreed to accommodate street vendors in the World Market: Day and Night Bazaar due to the pressure exerted on them by the vendors unions. (Bhowmik, 2005). In other cases municipal authorities or local authorities can partner with the vendors through the associations to tackle problems related to littering, vandalism and petty crimes. For instance in Philippines the government has introduced an MOU which among other things mentions that the vendors associations would be encouraged to take on the responsibility of regulating street vendors by ensuring cleanliness on the streets and proper hygiene for food vendors. (Bhowmik, 2005).This demonstrates that rather than taking a confrontation approach municipal or local authorities can explore innovative methods of addressing certain issues like cleanliness of the city. However, the key here is that vendors need to first and foremost organise themselves into associations. The associations then can become the vehicle the government can use to drive change in the informal economy. Without a grouping mechanism like associations problems associated with the spread of the informal economy can persists.

Currently, informal economy participants in PNG are scattered and the absence of informal economy vendors associations couple with heavy handed tactic from the municipal or local authorities can easily drive a lot of the people into extreme poverty. Lack of consultation with the city, provincial and district authorities has led to many problems. There is no link and influence over what is being done within the informal economy setting. Establishing vendor associations for the informal economy participants will bridge the gap in communication and would provide a medium for the informal economy participants to be heard and given adequate support and attention(Bhowmik, 2005) .In addition to that developing this mechanism will allow balance to be achieved on both sides with businesses within the informal economy conducted within the established guidelines and issues, problems and challenges dealt with through constant dialogue among each of the key stakeholders. On top of that the informal economy will increasingly become a partner rather than being viewed as a competitor to the formal economy, as this mechanism would provide for dialogue between formal businesses and informal economy micro entrepreneurs. Through this mechanism it is also hoped that vendors and city authorities will be made aware of their various roles and responsibilities and that informal economy participants will be protected from abuse and exploitation.

In light of the LNG Project and other major pending projects, it will become even more important for the government of PNG to listen to the “voice” of the small people on the ground. Spill over effects from external investment such as rising costs of living, changes in lifestyle; the rapid movement of people from rural to urban centres and other social externalities may well make the majority of Papua New Guineans eventually becoming spectators of development benefits in their own country. Therefore, an association representing the bulk of the low income population engaged in the informal economy will ensure that a considerable effort is put into making the informal economy becoming that “distributional focal point” for equity and efficiency so that income from the mineral sector is diffused more equitably to the majority of the people. 

Key stakeholders such as the town planners, city authorities, business council and the formal sector Chambers of Commerce such as the Port Moresby Chamber of Commerce would be invited to be part of this new body. With the establishment of this body information relating to vendors will be, so far as possible captured in a database, which would facilitate estimates of incomes and levels of activity in the informal economy and support the sector's claims for political attention. Data collection of vendors can be a daunting tasks but atleast by registration the association can be able to develop a fair idea of the situation on the ground. Issues raised by registered members can reflect the general consensus and can also help the association to identify problems and challenges and develop solutions or lobby the government to address these issues. The association would be interested in this data purposely for identifying and providing solutions to issues affecting informal economy. Progressively this information can be used to assist in legitimatising the informal economy. Furthermore, such information can assist in the development of transition programs aimed at graduating the informal economy participants into the SME Sector. Without such data it may be difficult for it to argue or lobby for changes to policies or legislation that may well work against the interest of the informal economy workers. Legislations and policies affecting the informal economy need to be drafted in consultation with people affected by them, to legitimize the regulations imposed as a nation. Of course the government has to maintain standards of health and hygiene but it must also be aware of heavy-handed interventions which defeat the purpose of stimulating informal economic activities.
                                                                                                                      
The need to profile the vendors and have all the information put into a data base is also crucial for monitoring and evaluation purposes. Apart from that the database would give the local authority an idea of the number of people who are taking part in the informal economy through the markets that have been set-up and therefore would assist the local authority to invest in expansion or maintenance of market facilities that may be deemed to be inadequate to accommodate for the exponential rise in demand or run down facilities respectively.

Vendor registration will also ensure that dissemination of vital information targeting the informal economy participants such as health information on proper hygiene and handling of food can be undertaken in a very effective manner by tapping into the database and making use of the available technology such as mobile phones. Nevertheless, this information can also be beneficial to the public as part of the consumer protection campaign. Apart from that the establishment of the informal economy vendors associations will also be able to provide useful information to informal economy participants, and help them become aware of the laws and regulations affecting their enterprises and how to protect their businesses.

6. Concluding Discussion

It is suggested that the proposed informal economy vendors association be an independent organization that will represent the interest of its members without fear or favour. However it is important that inorder to advance its interest the organisation will need to align its goals and objectives to key government policies such as the Vision 2050, PNG Development Strategic Plan, StaRS, MTDP, The National Informal Economy Policy, SME Policy and so forth. The association will have its own constitution and code of conduct that will govern its operations, its executives (leaders) of the entity and its members. However, at the initial stage a mutual working environment will need to be created to foster partnership and collaboration between the various parties that are involved in the creation of the association. Overtime this partnership will need to be sustained through signing of MOUs/MOAs or setting up of special arrangement within the respective government processes to provide space for informal economy to be heard. All these will be done while the association operates as a fully pledged independent entity. Afterall, it is in the benefit of everyone that informal economy prospers in a well-coordinated manner where solutions are amicably identified and implemented. Research can be done to consider the merits of such an approach.
Findings from the research shows that the hypothesis that the establishment of the informal economy vendors into association will empower informal economy participants is partly true. While establishment of the vendor associations is crucial it is only able to facilitate the empowerment of its membership when the government gives it the due consideration and respect that it deserves. This is where the paper argues that the informal economy vendors association needs to be provided “space” in the governance system of this country so that it can have a “voice” in the decision making process of this country. Therefore, in the long run it is envisaged that the role and the representation from the association will be inbuilt into the political/governance structure at the ward, local level government, district, provincial and national levels. By this way informal economy participants can have an active voice and play an active role in resolving issues which affect them. This would be undertaken while the association is still maintained and would play the role of the highest representation of “voice” of the informal economy participants targeting the national, provincial and local level government.

It is hoped that through the proposed informal economy vendors associationsinformal economic activities could be linked in with the formal sector of the economy. This ensures that the formal sector continues to grow given that it (formal economy) is heavily dependent on the informal economy. This concept will have to be recognized in the current review on the Organic Law on Provincial & Local Level Government and the amendments to the Informal Sector Development and Control Act 2004.

7. Policy Implication

There are several ways in which my findings in this paper would support the creation of the informal economy vendors association and the subsequent informal economy representation in the PNG’s governance system.

Firstly, the membership composition of the Joint Provincial Planning & Budget Priorities Committee, Joint District Planning & Budget Priorities Committee,Provincial and LLG Assemblies should be broadened to include informal economy vendors associations representation. Under the current set-up informal economy representation is lacking or missing which simply means that informal economy issues are not heard in the decision making processes. Often this results in one-sided policy that are often discriminatory towards the informal economy participants.

In addition to the above, with no representation in the Joint District Planning & Budget Priorities Committee and Joint Provincial Planning & Budget Priorities Committee provincial and districts development plans and budget over the years have not catered for the informal economy. With the provision of space for informal economy representation priorities of the informal economy can be reflected in the planning and budget allocation.

Lastly, at present towns and urban development plans are been developed without consideration of informal economy. Therefore, these developments are coming into effect in direct conflict with the interest of the informal economy. Theis results in a messy process where the government and the informal economy participants are constantly confronting each other particularly around the issues of “space”. This problem is bound to persist given alienable land is becoming scarce especially in urban centers of the country. Therefore, urban planning and development in PNG now needs to be inclusive with the inclusion of the informal economy vendors association representatives.

8. Recommendations

The overall objective of this paper was to contribute to the implementation of the National Informal Economy Policy and Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004. In view of the problem confronting the informal economy in PNG in particular the problem of lacking “voice” to get government attention, the following policy recommendations are put forward for consideration.
1)     The government of Papua New Guinea amend the Organic Law on the Provincial & Local Level Government to allow for Informal Economy Representation all levels of government (National, Provincial and Local Level Government)
2)    Subsequent amendments to follow with the revised Informal Economy Development & Control Bill 2016
3) Department of Community Development & Religion in partnership with the Consultative Implementation & Monitoring Council to set-up a technical working committee to develop a National Action Plan to implement the PNG Informal Economy Vendors Association.
4)      Conduct a comprehensive study to clearly delineate non agriculture informal economic activities from agriculture inclusive informal economy.
5)  Conduct studies to look into the contribution of each sub-sector of the informal economy to provide a much accurate picture of each sub sector’s contribution’.
6)      Conduct a basic study or analysis on the proposed PNG Informal Economy Vendors Association is proposed for consideration in commencing this policy paper. Firstly, a literature review should be undertaken on the idea and means of giving 'voice' to the informal economy participants. Experiences in other countries can form the basis set up an appropriate mechanism for informal economy participants in PNG. The objectives of such a study of this nature would focus on addressing data gaps: 1) define who forms part of the informal economy in PNG 2) Identify the main challenges faced by the informal economy and 3) identify international best practices to empower/leverage the informal economy. [b2] 
7)   Further studies should be conducted on the impact of grouping youths and men engaged in the informal markets.
8)    Following the above UNWomen/NCDC need to conduct a situational analysis to see whether their intervention through the Safe Cities Market Projects has changed the situation on the ground.
9)      Studies should also be conducted to determine the best approach towards organising the informal economy participants.

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UNWomen. (2011). Making Port Moresby safer for Women and Girls: A report on scoping study findings . Port Moresby: UN Women Papua New Guinea & Safe Cities Free of Violence Against Women and Girls Global Programme.
Wang, Y., & Kusakabe, K. (2012, March 12th). Act Now. Retrieved October 11th, 2016, from http://actnowpng.org/content/informal-markets-can-tackle-poverty-and-empower-women
Wilson, C. (2012, January 24th ). Inter Press Services News Agency. Retrieved October 13th , 2016, from www.ipsnews.net/2012/01/papua-new-guinea-informal-economy-ensures-equitable-development/








 [b1]Definition of the IE Voice Mechanism


 [b2]UNWomen to provide additional information international best practice around the IE “Voice Mechanism” especially around the Asia – Pacific region

Tuesday, 1 November 2016

A proposal to establish Informal Economy Vendors Associations in Papua New Guinea: PART 2

This is a continuation of a series of discussion around the concept of establishing Informal Economy Vendors Association (IEVA) in Papua New Guinea. Part 1 provided a background to the IEVA concept and the structure of the research paper.

Note: Discussions are extracted from a research paper written by Busa Jeremiah Wenogo as a partial fulfillment of the requirements of the NRI Diploma in Economic Policy Analysis Course of 2016


3. Literature Review

A synthesis paper of six studies on street vendors carried out over the past decade in Phnom Penh by (Kusakabe, 2006) stated that literature on street vending can be categorised into four groups. For the purpose of this paper the third sets of literature highlighting the rights of street vendors and the harassment they face, as well as their lack of organization (Bhowmik, 2005) will be examined. For instance, in India street vendors are important members of Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA), and their achievements through their organization have impressed many in other countries.
The PNG Economy consists of two unequal parts, the formal economy and the informal economy. The formal economy generates ‘kina’, in money terms, but the informal economy supports more people, in human terms (Department of Community Development, 2011).The informal economy is also divided, between urban and rural components. While most attention focuses on the informal economy operating in towns, infact there are more rural people involved in the informal economy than there are urban people (Department of Community Development, 2011). Joku (2005) estimated around 85% of the total PNG population as participating in informal sector activities; the substantial majority of such participants were in rural areas (Kavan, 2013). This fact is further substantiated by the NRI led study on the rural informal sector in PNG where it found that informal economy (where agriculture is the dominant sector) is the main source of livelihood for many rural households(Sowei, Vatnabar, & Lahari, 2010).
The ‘2008 Feeding Port Moresby’ study, by PNG’s Fresh Produce Development Agency, revealed that the total supply of fresh food to the city each year is around 57,780 tonnes, with an overwhelming 50,350 tonnes sourced from local urban and peri-urban production, which is almost entirely from the informal economy. Only about 7,000 tonnes comes from other provinces and international imports. Agriculture accounts for 32.2 percent of PNG’s gross domestic product, with the greater part of this originating from informal and national smallholder producers (Wilson, 2012). Yet in PNG informal economy is often treated as a ‘little brother’ of SME although in reality they both are different interms of their “culture, structure and operational methods (Department of Community Development, 2011)

More recently, the National Informal Economy Policy 2011-2015was designed to offer concrete guidelines for achieving the aspirations of the Informal Sector Development & Control Act. It is the product of a very wide and thorough consultation at all three levels of government, with private sector, Civil Society Organizations and development partners. It was informed by commissioned studies on the informal sector of PNG as well as experience from abroad, and was developed over a period of five years. The government of Papua New Guinea through its NEC Decision No. 172/2010 endorsed the Department of Community Development & Religion as the lead implementing agency. However, the policy since its inception has suffered greatly from lack of support from the lead implementing agency. Changes at the political level have led to this stasis. Currently CIMC working in partnership with the Department of Community Development & Religion is developing an implementation plan for the policy and a host of activities have been identified and captured in the plan (Conroy & Wenogo, 2012). One of the key outcomes of this plan has been the introduction of the “Informal Economy” Branch within the Department of Community Development & Religion which will be responsible for coordinating the implementation of the policy and most likely the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004 which is currently undergoing review. With the government putting a spotlight on the SME Sector it is important that the informal economy is given due consideration in terms of policy implementation.

Establishing a peak body that represents the interest of the informal economy participants is very important in PNG. With an estimated 85% of the population engaged in the informal economy, establishing informal economy vendors associations can facilitate the process of [EK1] achieving the country’s development goals. For instance the National Constitution calls for “development to take place primarily through the use of Papua New Guinean forms of social and political organization’ and to work according to their talents in socially useful employment, and if necessary to create for themselves legitimate opportunities for such employment(Independent State of Papua New Guinea, Constitution of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea, 1975).

The idea of establishing informal economy vendors associations would be to enhance representation of interest groups involved in, or affected by, the informal economy in the decision making processes of government at all levels so that harmonious relationships are created in order for informal economy to be recognized and provided a space to thrive alongside the formal sector. For example, women, together with informal economy helpers and workers, are important groups in this category with significant occupational health and safety concerns in working in the informal economy. Also informal economy vendors associations could ensure that issues such as consumer protection, especially in the area of food handling, are taken into account. Further, formal enterprises to which informal economic activities pose a threat, could identify a focal point for negotiation, mediation, or other forms of resolution. Another example is the need for the informal economy to have input to policy development processes regarding the provision of public goods and services of value to people such as market vendors or service providers.

PNG as a developing economy has been experiencing the increasing growth of informal economy. Kopel (2002) states that the dependence on the informal sector, since 1990 has increased. In a study commissioned by CIMC that looked into constraints of the informal economy in PNG 60% of the respondents claimed that their households rely solely on the informal economy currently engaged in for their source of household income. A closer look revealed that of those who stated that their households have other sources of income, 52.5% of them actually have other household members working in informal economic activities. This means that the proportion of households which are dependent on the informal economy could be greater than 60% and could be in the vicinity of 80% (Eugenio, 2001).

Despite its contribution to the PNG economy by way of providing employment and income to almost 85% of the population especially women, very little has been done to promote it. The figure of 85% would be true if the whole of the agricultural sector were defined as informal. Perhaps better to say that if informal and subsistence activities in agriculture are aggregated, then 85% of livelihoods are found outside the formal economy. Although no comprehensive studies have been done to clearly delineate non agriculture informal economic activities from agriculture inclusive informal economy nevertheless, in PNG agriculture cannot be viewed separately as the agriculture sector. It is intrinsically linked to the overall definition of informal economy. However, there is a clear need for further studies to look into the contribution of each sub-sector that can provide a much accurate picture of each sub sector’s contribution’. In addition, both rural and urban informal economy in PNG are usually characterised by a high proportion of trade taking place mostly around the sale of agricultural produce, petty trading, manufacturing and services. The 1999 CIMC commissioned study found that of the five urban centres surveyed bulk of the informal sector (economy) activities is in petty trading (82% of the total respondents). The other 14% of the respondents stated that they are engaged in production and manufacturing sub-sector while remaining 4% are engaged in personal services such as repairing and shining shoes and so forth. Where the concentration of activities is in petty trading, and most people are selling the same thing (local produce, betelnut and cigarettes, cooked food, second hand clothes, bilums and other traditional clothing, handicrafts and artefacts etc), competition is very high as they are all doing the same kind of activity which results in sometimes individuals taking home very little or none daily from those activities(Eugenio, 2001).

4. Methodology

Due to time factor the paper heavily relied on review of secondary sources of literature. This paper draws on two (2) key studies on the subject of the informal economy in PNG as well as lessons learnt from the UNWomen/NCDC Safe Cities Market Project conducted in Gerehu and Gordon Market in Port Moresby. These were complimented by other related research publications and online articles from different websites as well as relevant laws of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea as follows;
·  (Eugenio, 2001) “Papua New Guinea Informal Sector Study: Review of Constraints to Informal Sector Development: Discussion Paper No. 85, a study of constraints affecting informal sector in five urban centres in Papua New Guinea. The study was commissioned by CIMC and INA with funding assistance from the Government of Papua New Guinea through the Department of National Planning & Monitoring, Asian Development Bank and United Nations Development Programme (UNDP).

·    (Sowei, Vatnabar, & Lahari, 2010) “The Rural Informal Sector in Papua New Guinea: An Analysis of Development in Select Communities, NRI Special Publication No. 48,The study complemented the above urban informal sector study conducted by CIMC and INA. The study was funded by the Government of Papua New Guinea in partnership with ADB’s Employment-Oriented Skills Rural Development (EOSDP), through the Department of National Planning & Rural Development, and in collaboration with the Consultative Implementation & Monitoring Council and Institute of National Affairs. 

·        (Kusakabe, 2006) “On the Borders of Legality: A Review of Studies on Street Vending in Phnom Penh, Cambodia” is a synthesis paper of six studies on street vendors carried out over the past decade in Phnom Penh (Rao, 1996; Kusakabe, 2001; Banwell, 2001; Kusakabe et al., 2001; Agnello and Moller 2004; Pou 2005). The Urban Sector Group, a non-government organization (NGO) supporting the Vendors’ Association in Phnom Penh markets, facilitated all these researchers

·      (Bhowmik, 2005) “Street Vendors in Asia: A Review”. The paper attempted to examine recent research done on street vendors in Asia with the aim of assessing the magnitude of street vending in different countries –and the composition of the vendors. Further it collates information on the extent of the unionisation of the vendors and other organisations, such as non-government organisations (NGOs), self-help organisation (SHO). Advocacy groups, etc, that work for their welfare.

·     (Kaugla & Cheong, 2016) “Update on the UNWomen/NCDC Safe Cities Market Project” to the CIMC Informal Economy Sectoral Committee during the committee’s 1st meeting. The meeting was held on 6th July 2016 at SambraHaus, Department of Community Development & Religion, Port Moresby, Papua New Guinea.

(PART 3: is entirely focused on exploring the pros and cons of establishing the Informal Economy Vendors Association. In this section I 1) conduct a brief comparative analysis between two countries and the PNG UNWomen/NCDC Safe Cities Market Project, 2) analyse the possible challenges that the proposed Informal Economy  Vendors Association may encounter and 3) conclude with a analysis of the current PNG Political Structure and its implication on the Informal Economy Vendors Association)