New law on the informal economy could be a game changer for PNG (Part two)

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo - Pacific Institute of Public Policy 

On October 19, 2015 the Constitutional Law Reform Commission launched the draft report on the Review of the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004 at the University of Papua New Guinea. The report contains a set of recommendations and the proposed bill that would be presented to the government for its consideration and endorsement sometime around November. If passed the bill may well be the game changer to transform PNG’s socio-economic landscape. Particularly if the informal economy is seen as a wealth distributive mechanism, it could allow money generated in big impact projects such as the PNG LNG, to be transferred to the majority of the population who are its beneficiaries.

The first part of this blog was published last week. The following is part two:

However, the report fell short of proposing a mechanism to protect the rights of the informal economy participants. Subsequently, there is no mention of the need to properly organize informal economy participants and their activities into groups for the purpose of dialogue and consultation. Section 3(1) of the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004 provides for the administering authority to consult (if they wish to) with relevant ward committees, the police force and relevant government agencies responsible for health, physical planning and building, when declaring areas on which informal economy businesses could be conducted. However, experiences thus far have indicated that this has not been the case.

Even if this exists in some provinces there is little evidence to suggest that the administering authorities sought views from informal economy operators or vendors because informal economy, both its activities and operators, are disorganised. Furthermore, given the complexity and cross-cutting nature of the informal economy, provinces need to have special informal economy committees comprising of key stakeholders to deal with these issues. For instance, border provinces such as Vanimo see massive influx of cheap Indonesian goods into Vanimo town and the villages along the highway leading to Batas. These imported goods (with questionable content and quality) make up a large portion of the informal economy in Vanimo and the neighbouring villages. To protect consumers and ensure fair play, the provincial government or the Vanimo Town Authority will have to work with the Border Development Authority, customs, police, NAQIA and others. Therefore, the absence of such a mechanism will do little to change the status quo of the situation.

while the intention is to put forth a progressive and rosy image of the city and urban areas, this should not come at the expense of people’s livelihoods

The report also did not highlight the need for a proper restorative justice mechanism to be in place to deal with cases of harassment and abuse inflicted by enforcers on informal economy participants. The Informal Sector law in its current form is silent on this matter. Section 3(6) of the law only goes as far as saying that “an operator (informal economy vendor/participant) aggrieved by the decision of the Administering Authority under section (4) and (5) may appeal to the District Court”. Yet for most informal economy operators or vendors the Village Court is the most affordable, reliable, reachable and dependable arm of the justice system since it addresses individual and community’s legal concerns through a typically PNG way. The District Courts can be utilized by an interest group or an entity representing the interest of informal economy vendors/operators. Therefore, the report fails to recognize that the infringements done by the informal economy participants (apart from the sale of drugs, counterfeit products and homebrew) are ‘economic crimes’ and not criminal offences that would require the ‘heavy arm of the law’. Thus section 4(2) of the Informal Sector law should be reworded or amended to ensure that the members of the police force are excluded from being appointed as inspectors to police the informal economy.

The NCDC buai ban law demonstrated that administering authorities armed with additional powers can abuse it and in the absence of a voice and an appropriate restorative justice mechanism for the informal economy participants, the informal economy will be suppressed to a point where lives could be lost. Deaths relating to the buai ban have been well-documented in the media. Such actions would thereby defeat the whole purpose of the law. In saying that the law does provide sufficient space as captured under section 3, where the administering authority is required to “adequately notify and welcome feedback from the informal economy operators of its attempt to make changes/determination to the law”. The operator(s) on their part should respond within a set time frame or take the matter to the district court if not satisfied with the authority’s feedback. In addition, inspectors appointed by the administering authority as per section 5(2) should properly notify the informal economy operator/vendor of its decision or actions. However as alluded to earlier, with most of the operators/vendors lacking basic literacy skills and resources (funds) they would need someone to do this for them, or better still an entity like an informal economy market vendor association to represent their common interests and amplify their concerns in order to get the attention of the authorities or policy makers.

Increasing penalty fees and repealing section 18 of the Act, which has a list of laws and their clauses that were excluded, means that informal economy participants will be forced to comply with standards that may be too high for them, especially when most of these participants have very poor literacy skills and lack formal employment to supplement their meager incomes. While the intention is to put forth a progressive and rosy image of the city and urban areas, this should not come at the expense of people’s livelihoods. PNG is now a country that is already experiencing a widening gap between the rich and the poor amidst its most prosperous period in its 40 years of nationhood. Early indications are that the PNG LNG will not be as transformative as it was predicted to be. On the contrary, the emergence of the PNG LNG project has created more problems than solutions for this nation. The cost of basic household goods and services have dramatically increased while the government is being forced to make deals that could possibly cost this country a great deal. At a difficult time when this nation is heading into uncharted waters, the wisest thing to do for the PNG government is to lean on its strengths. The informal economy with almost 80-85% of its population engaged in myriad of activities is its strength. Through the good and bad times, it has helped this nation to ride out crisis after crisis. Giving it its long overdue consideration in the national agenda may well be a game changer for PNG.

Via http://pacificpolicy.org/2015/11/new-law-on-the-informal-economy-could-be-a-game-changer-for-png-part-two/

New law on the informal economy could be a game changer for PNG

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo - Pacific Institute of Public Policy 

In the first of a two-part blog, Busa Jeremiah Wenogo analyses the review of the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004, providing insight into how PNG is undertaking reform of its informal economy. Documenting PNG’s case will hopefully provide policy makers in other parts of the Pacific with ideas on how to best grow their informal sectors.

On October 19, 2015 the Constitutional Law Reform Commission launched the draft report on the Review of the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004 at the University of Papua New Guinea. The report contains a set of recommendations and the proposed bill that would be presented to the government for its consideration and endorsement sometime around November. If passed the bill may well be the game changer to transform PNG’s socio-economic landscape. Particularly if the informal economy is seen as a wealth distributive mechanism, it could allow money generated in big impact projects such as the PNG LNG, to be transferred to the majority of the population who are its beneficiaries.

Furthermore, if provided with the right environment, it could unleash entrepreneurialism and innovation that is abundant among many Papua New Guineans but lethargic due to lack of support. One should only take a bus ride to the infamous Gordon Market or travel up into the Kakaruk (chicken) Market in Goroka or elsewhere to witness the vibe of energy and salesmanship at play. This is what the law aims to nurture but in compliance with appropriate minimum standards to protect consumer welfare and generally minimize its negativity.

Yet the challenge will once again fall on the shoulders of the government to ensure that the intention of the law is realized. Already the government is urged in the report to step up and provide leadership in administering the law as well as providing essential public goods and services to encourage the development of the informal economy in PNG. So far the government has failed miserably in this area although it has introduced a policy and a law to address issues affecting the informal economy. This reinforces the sad reality that implementation and enforcement have always been a challenge for the PNG Government. Most Local Level Governments are struggling to function effectively in most areas of the country due to lack of support both in terms of resources and limited understanding of their functions and responsibilities. The report alluded to the fact that most LLGs that were consulted had no idea about the existence of the law although it is a national law.

By allowing provinces to have the freedom to make necessary amendments to the modal law to suit their unique situation, it is hoped that they will effectively control negative aspects and promote the positive side of their informal economy.

At the national agency level the report found that no oversight was provided making way for administering authorities to make laws without alignment to the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004. In most cases administering authorities simply turned a blind eye on the law. For instance, in 2012 the courts making reference to theInformal Sector Development & Control Act 2004 restrained the Lae City Council from implementing its decision to close down informal markets in the city. In the case of National Capital District Commission (NCDC), buai producers and political leaders in Central Province issued threats challenging the legality of the buai ban law although this has not come to pass. If the ban was contested in the courts with reference made to the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004, the outcome could have changed the dynamics of the informal economy in PNG.

This is where the Constitutional Law Reform Commission’s (CLRC) foresight in introducing a ‘modal law’ is important as it bypasses the difficulties that could have eventuated if a national law superimposes itself with no regard to the administrative set up of certain provinces like NCDC. By allowing provinces to have the freedom to make necessary amendments to the modal law to suit their unique situation, it is hoped that they will effectively control negative aspects and promote the positive side of their informal economy. By having the Department of Community Development & Religion as the lead agency providing oversight on the law, it is envisaged that the amendments will be made with due respect to the spirit/intention of the national law as well as in alignment with the national informal economy policy.

The department to its credit has already embarked on a restructure (with no progress as yet) that will see a new section dedicated to coordinating the implementation of the policy and the law. Yet questions are being asked if this arrangement will yield any tangible results. The department itself is still reeling from the leadership tussle which transpired two years ago which has seen the department fragmented into factions as staff took sides. The aftermath of this battle can still be seen today with most of its offices half empty and manned by only few dedicated officers. In this environment there is no guarantee that the law will hit the ground running once it is passed by the government. This is where the department with the aid of CLRC should explore options that will lead to the effective implementation and administration of the policy and the law. One option would be for the department to quickly work towards establishing a stand alone mechanism, like an office within its structure. Such a set up, apart from speeding things up, would allow the department to effectively reach out (going beyond its traditional role as a social welfare department) to other stakeholders whose mandate or policies are related to aspects of the informal economy policy and Act.

On the other hand the informal economy participants for their part, misunderstood the law the first time it was passed by parliament, subsequently giving rise to the proliferation of diverse sets of informal economic activities, some of which posed serious health and safety risks. This meant that balance needed to be found in the law to ensure that the growth of the informal economy is controlled to minimize its harmful effects. The informal sector law in its current form in fact advocates for this. This is contrary to the views that it ‘gave fire’ to the widespread chaos that is unfortunately the hallmark of PNG’s informal economy. The draft report to the credit of the CLRC, has reinforced this idea with penalties raised depending on the severity of the offence, which is determined by taking into consideration an informal economic business activity’s impact on the environment, hygiene, health, safety and the nature of the items sold such as whether it is addictive and other factors. Furthermore, it has inserted a provision to deal with betelnut-related issues which now imposes a much tougher penalty for irresponsible chewers.

Via http://pacificpolicy.org/2015/11/new-law-on-the-informal-economy-could-be-a-game-changer-for-png/

Settlement upgrading should include people of different ethnicity

BUSA JEREMIAH WENOGO

THE recent spate of ethnic tensions and fights that have swept certain parts of Port Moresby’s settlements, most notably Hohola, 8 Mile and 6 Mile, have brought to light the need to police the movement of people in and out of towns and cities.

This is important to maintain law and order and protect human lives and public property.

In Papua New Guinea, discussion on rural-urban drift often raises the issue of the Vagrancy Act. While there is a definite and serious need for the government and city and town authorities to look into ways of controlling the movement of people, the Vagrancy Act will have to be a measure of last resort.

This is due to the fact that most urban dwellers are second or third generation migrants (especially from Gulf and Central provinces in the case of Port Moresby) who live, work and do business in towns and cities.

Such an exercise would have a devastating social and economic impact on our towns and cities. Furthermore, the implementation of such a law would not be in the interests of national unity as it would only lead to bigotry and animosity among Papua New Guineans and add fuel to any lingering feelings of regionalism.

The National Capital District, under the leadership of Governor Powes Parkop, seems to have moved away from the vagrancy idea preferring instead to upgrade squatter settlements.

In the corner of Erima settlement where I live, a section of the road leading to my house has been expanded and sealed. This project, which I presume is part of an NCD settlement upgrading exercise, has changed the image of the place by portraying to the public a more progressive outlook.

In addition, a couple of months ago, the electorate’s MP reconnected water into the settlement after several years of struggle. And earlier this month, Labi Amaiu MP commissioned the Erima water project, making it known to the community that he plans to issue formal land titles to settlers and build a proper sewage system into the settlement.

Erima is like the pocket of Port Moresby, hidden away from traffic jams and the hustle and bustle of the city.

While its isolation has provided refuge to its more than 1,000 residents, to those living outside Erima is seen as a hotbed of criminal activity. Furthermore, like other settlements, it has suffered from years of ethnic tensions and fighting.

Other settlements at Morata, 8 Mile and 9 Mile are reported to be undergoing a similar transformation to that we are witnessing in Erima. Yet most of these settlers lack formal employment and resort to the informal economy, mainly plying betel nut to sustain their needs.

The betel nut trade is worth millions of kina and is the most successful agricultural commodity with a huge domestic market.

The lucrative nature of the trade has seen the city commission’s betel nut ban constantly face stiff opposition from producers, distributors, sellers and consumers alike.

Even enforcers of the ban have been reported to have smuggled bags of betel nut into the city to take advantage of the price hike.

With the commission recently doubling its effort to enforce the betel nut ban and with no proper betel nut market in the city, vendors are becoming ever more territorial, fighting for space in an already crowded environment.

From this perspective it is easy to see how a petty issue involving vendors tussling over betel nut (buai), lime (kambang) or mustard (daka) can quickly escalate into an ethnic fight. 

People tell me that the Hohola and 8 Mile ethnic fights were a direct result of disagreements between vendors of betel nut and mustard.

A couple of weeks prior to this, the temporary Erima betel nut market at the old Hugo Sawmill reported an incident involving men from the Eastern Highlands and Tari.

It does look as if betel nut related fights are on the rise.

Unfortunately most of them fights have proven fatal, with participants either critically wounded or killed.

The situation has been made worse by the commission’s decision to clamp down on all informal economic activities in the city, which has made it almost impossible for vendors to switch to non-buaiactivities.

I have seen the devastation of these actions on families who literally survive on them for their daily needs.

Where I live, families are going without food for days. As a result most are now opting to sell betel nuts as a means to sustain themselves. Subsequently, the number of betel nut vendors in Port Moresby is steadily increasing.

Youths from these households have no choice but are forced to go onto the streets doing whatever they can to survive. This has led to an increase in petty crime such as pickpocketing, harassment, hold ups and carjacking.

This indicates the dire need for the government to quickly come up with measures to ease the pressure before it gets out of hand.

Settlement upgrading is one strategy that may address some of these issues, however it will not do much if it advocates creating settlements for each ethnic group.

Settlement upgrading must entail the integration of different ethnicities. Settlements in cities like Port Moresby, Lae, Mt Hagen, Goroka, Kokopo and elsewhere should have a mixture of people from all over Papua New Guinea living together.

An integrated and diversified community ensures that transparency and accountability is maintained when it comes to community policing with leaders chosen on merit and decisions based on law rather than ethnicity.

Secondly, such a multi-ethnical community ensures that flare-ups or fights are quickly neutralised unlike a settlement comprising people of homogenous ethnicity where disputes quickly snowball into an all-out ethnic fighting.

I have seen in my community how suspicions of sorcery and jealousy have held back a lot of the folks from venturing into small business for fear of losing their own or their families’ lives.

Highly educated people do all they can to appease whoever they suspect may be capable of taking their lives (sometimes their own family members) through black magic.

In a big city like Port Moresby and Lae people must learn to live in peace and harmony with their fellow citizens because these are fundamental for nation building and development.

Squatter settlements which house the bulk of urban dwellers should take the lead in this endeavor.

This means that any attempt by relevant authorities to upgrade squatter settlements should focus on creating an integrated and diversified community rather than a homogenous community of a single ethnicity.

Via: http://asopa.typepad.com/asopa_people/2015/10/settlement-upgrading-should-include-people-of-different-ethnicity.html 

Truth is not enough; there is a need for conviction

BUSA JEREMIAH WENOGO

“THE truth will set you free.” Since the day I first saw those words some 20 years ago, I have often pondered them.

Lately I’ve come to the conclusion that the truth can only set us free through conviction. Knowing the truth may be just the first step to freeing oneself and not the end result.

From this perspective, truth is not the end but the means through which we are empowered to be free. Knowing something is wrong is not enough. If, by conviction, one is forced to go against wrongful actions then it can be said that we have freed ourselves from those wrongs.

In Papua New Guinea we have been a victim of this fallacy. There are times when we see violence played out before us or injustice visited upon the marginalised and poor of the society, yet we ignore these things opting instead to find comfort in the thought that it is none of my business. We tend to want to shove it off to someone else (most notably government) to deal with.

When we read in the papers about our leaders at all levels indulging in corrupt practices we remain content assuming that it’s all politics and it’s not our problem. We prefer to react when corruption directly affects us.

However, by the time one tries to react, the problem has multiplied to an extent where it requires collective action to remedy it. It is this kind of behaviour that causes some outsiders to ask if modern PNG society conforms to any kind of logic.

This is because, logically, whenever something is wrong, people tend to rise up and protest, yet in PNG we have rarely done that.

Historically, we do have a record of student-led nationwide strikes over various national issues but always marred by unruly behaviour of “opportunists”. These people do not care about the truth and they certainly lack any conviction to fight for a cause that is for the common good.

Worker-led demonstrations in PNG are a rarity and when they do occur they tend to be confined to a particular industry or subsector driven by agendas that aim to address conditions of workers. In general PNG workers do not step beyond the boundary to voice concerns that affects the nation as a whole.

It is a mystery that baffles the local educated elite and foreigners. How could Papua New Guineans accept corruption knowing full well its consequences on their wellbeing?

If Papua New Guineans in general were asked this question, almost everyone would express dissatisfaction about corruption. However, only a few would commit to take any concrete steps to address the issue.

The cultural aspects of life influence very much the way we perceive leaders and leadership in PNG. Our “bigman” mentality, where we revere and respect our clan leaders, has unfortunately created an atmosphere conducive to bigman-led corruption to flourish to a point where it is “systematic and systemic” as succinctly described by Sir Mekere Morauta.

Corruption in this case is a pyramid system with the bigmen at the helm maintaining their grip on power through wantokism and bribery. An so corruption in PNG has woven its way into and planted itself in the basic fibre of our nationhood making it almost impossible to root out.

In such an environment, most Papua New Guineans may know the truth but that does not necessarily mean they have the conviction to stand up and fight for a better and fairer outcome for all.

For those who decide to persevere, fighting corruption may come at a huge cost. Yet their constructive actions are the key to reining in corruption. Truth to them is a tool to set the oppressed free.

Knowing that something is corrupt does not rid a situation or an individual from corruption. What will generate change is a conviction to do something that leads to a series of actions to change the mindsets and attitudes of people to take a collective stand against corruption.

Truth without conviction is meaningless, like a genius with ideas but no inventions. 

Via http://asopa.typepad.com/asopa_people/2015/10/truth-is-not-enough-there-is-a-need-for-conviction.html#more

Food and water shortages challenge us; planning is the answer

BUSA JEREMIAH WENOGO

NEWS about the water level at the Sirinumu Dam dropping to an all-time low got me thinking about what would happen if we ran out of water.

One of my good friends whom I bumped into few days ago probably summed up the situation well. He said if the dam runs out of water, the people in the Port Moresby settlements will go on a rampage.

Water pipes will be ripped apart or dug up to free the remaining water while shops will be looted as people go in search of bottled water. This conjured in my mind images of the Mad Max movies.

I wonder what would happen if food shortages due to drought strike Moresby at the same time we experience a drop in the city’s main dam?

Stories of drought-related deaths in the highlands already indicate the severity of the situation.  Experts say this is the worst drought since 1997 and speculation is that it will continue into 2016. If it does we can only pray that it does not hit a highly populated area.

The current state of the economy is not helping. PNG, which is already said to be reaching crisis point. If things get worse it may affect our ability to import food whichwould be catastrophic for PNG.

Food and water, two of human’s necessities for survival, are what keep us sane. Without them, pandemonium reigns – 6,000 years of civilisation brought to chaos as war and destruction of property become rampant.

Peace and harmony replaced by fear, anxiety and desperation.

Since moving with my family to Erima settlement three years ago, I have seen how desperate people become when water is not accessible. They walk for hours just to get to the nearest tap.

I often hear women arguing over water. Sometimes they argue the shortage is due to someone not paying a water bill while at other times they argue over petty matters relating to taps.

We don’t want to see things reach a crisis because surely fights will erupt and even lives will be lost.

Yet we have no excuse for bringing this situation upon ourselves given that mostly we have an abundance of fresh water and food to sustain our needs. We have been described as the food bowl of the world because of our large agricultural base.

Historically PNG is said to be the home of the first subsistence farming. But right now the reality is that food security is a global concern and PNG is no different.

When we get back to normality, we must ensure that PNG agriculture does not lag behind the extractive industries in terms of government priorities. Farmers need to be prepared well in advance for drought and frost.

Foods able to withstand harsh conditions need to be identified and embraced. Such an approach will ensure that we maintain a consistent supply of food to feed our growing population in bad times as well as good.

With water we need to take a similar approach. Our fresh water reserve is such that at one point the Southern Highlands Government was looking at piping fresh water to Queensland. It’s about time the government explored options to support the Sirinumu Dam.

We cannot go on being reactive to crises because that can be fatal. Droughts, frost and economic crisis are things that PNG is familiar with and it’s about time we had contingency plans to withstand their adverse effects. 

Is PNG headed for a bust? And another rebuild, regain, restore?

BUSA JEREMIAH WENOGO

THE last time Papua New Guinea experienced a major economic crisis and a devastating drought was in 1997 when the late Sir Bill Skate was prime minister.

Skate was the leader of the People’s National Congress (PNC), now the lead coalition political party under the leadership of Peter O’Neill.

After failing to resuscitate the economy and with a kina in free fall, Skate and the PNC were voted out of power in a vote of no confidence by the People’s Democratic Party led by Sir Mekere Morauta.

It so happens that the present PNC-led government is in the middle of its own turmoil with the nation said to be experiencing a cash flow crisis made worse by one of the worst droughts in history.

It is interesting that these two events have occurred in the lifetime of a PNC-led government. Not to say that PNC is a political party destined to bring doom but the coincidence is too good to be ignored.

Recently I bumped into a friend who, like every concerned Papua New Guinean, is worried sick about what is to become of PNG in the next year or so as we face the inevitable truth that we are already deep into a crisis, the extent of which we do not know.

Having been bombarded with news about recent developments in the economy and the water crisis at Sirinumu dam, Port Moresby’s main water supply, he could not help but contemplate the consequences that could arise if the economy crashed and water supplies hit rock bottom.

He feared that it will not be long before water to most settlements will be cut and more people will be made jobless giving way to pandemonium, lawlessness and social disorder in Port Moresby and other PNG towns.

Using the analogy of water in a tank he told what would happen in PNG as the economic and water situation got worse.

In a tank filled to the brim with water it is hard to notice the debris and fungus at the bottom. However, as the water level drops, the bottom of the tank becomes visible and the debris and the fungus are exposed.

At the same time, the water gets smelly and the only logical thing to do is to empty the tank and refill it with clean water.

This, my friend forecast, is what will happen with corruption in PNG.
Sooner or later the whole rotten mess of corruption in PNG will be exposed and gotten rid of. The problem is when it will happen and who will do it.

I realised from the conversation that the question of when corruption will be 
brought under control is something that rings loud in the hearts and minds of most Papua New Guineans.

Corruption in this country has seen widespread inequality and a yawning gap develop between rich and poor.

Ordinary Papua New Guineans like my friend are asking if the price of basic goods and services will ever come down. By now every Papua New Guinean knows that cost of living will always go up regardless of what happens in the economy.

In a developed, well-functioning economy that should not be the case, as prices should readily adjust to market conditions. In PNG unfortunately there is much unseen market intervention that seemed to work in the favour of the wealthy ruling class.

The sad truth in all this is that a large portion of Papua New Guineans - including blue, brown and green collar workers plus a large population of the middle income class who are the engine of growth - will always be playing catch-up.

In rural areas, after 40 years of independence, most of the folks are still living in a pre-modern state with little knowledge of what is happening in cities like Port Moresby and Lae let alone in the world. The state of most public utilities and services are deplorable. This is where it gets really unfair.

As I look back on our country’s history, I notice that what happened after 1997 was a period of rebuilding, regaining and restoring of the PNG economy.

Sweeping reforms initiated by the Morauta government brought back stability and confidence in all sectors of the economy. This provided a platform for the subsequent Somare government to roll-out plans to further boost PNG’s economy.

The LNG development, PNG’s largest project ever, is a result of those years of sustained stability and visionary reforms. What this country needs now – if it is not too late - is a government that will use the gains to lift the entire nation to another level. We should not go back and start all over again.

The world is moving and Papua New Guineans are striving for better lifestyles and improved living standards. It is totally unacceptable that, since we have opened our doors for our natural resources to be exploited for the purpose of prosperity, we still have some of the worst social indicators anywhere in the world.

Again a reflection of the crippling nature of corruption that has pushed this nation to its knees and sucked the life out of it.

The period after the Bougainville crisis until 1997 were painful years for PNG. My father who was a National provident Fund (now NASFUND) contributor, along with several thousand blue collar workers, lost a large chunk of his contribution due to corruption.

However, being uneducated, he and most of the blue collar workers felt it was beyond their reach to demand compensation from the government. Justice still needs to be served to those criminals who were responsible for the nation’s biggest white collar heist in history.

Those were lost years that some of us, including my friend, grew up in and wish never to experience again in our lifetime. Yet here we are with all signs pointing to a repeat.

If that part of PNG’s history does repeat itself, history has shown that the next crop of leaders will have to rebuild, regain and restore this nation and set its future to rights once again.

The miserable part about all of this is that most Papua New Guineans, like my father, my friend and I, will have to experience the whole dreadful cycle within the same generation. All we can do now is brace ourselves for what is to come.

Via http://asopa.typepad.com/asopa_people/2015/10/is-png-headed-for-a-bust-and-another-rebuild-regain-restore.html

The wolves are devouring us in broad daylight

BUSA JEREMIAH WENOGO

THE phrase “Papua New Guinea has gone to the dogs” is no longer relevant in describing the extent of corruption in our country. It does not go nearly far enough.

We all stand astonished at the magnitude and pace at which corruption has accelerated in PNG in the last decade or so.

The state of service delivery in most parts of PNG is at a pitiful state even when we are in the middle of a “boom” - the boom was supposed to usher in a new era in our nation’s history where we could look forward to a more equitable and fairer society.

Yet in the 40 years of its nationhood, PNG has gone from a progressive nation to one of the most backward developing nations on earth.

The irony is that, all this time, we have been rated as one of the most resource rich nations. Thanks largely to PNG LNG we have witnessed unprecedented growth in our economy in the last decade yet I can’t help wondering what we were raving about when the reality is that this project was not as “transformational” as it was predicted to be.

The landowners of Hides and Moran are constantly threatening the government with closure of the project sites if their demands are not met while the State has not been honest in accounting for the revenue inflows that should be arriving as the shipment of gas takes effect.

In fact, one would assume that the revenue from LNG would rescue PNG’s economy from its dire situation. Yet this does not seem to be the case and questions are now being raised of the whereabouts of this money.

I have come to the conclusion that this nation is been fed to a pack of wolves who are indulging in devouring it in broad daylight.

Service delivery has been turned on its head to facilitate massive fraud with huge ‘variation costs’ and ‘off the book’ contract fees.

Let’s not kid ourselves, the ferocity associated with corruption in PNG has left this nation licking its wounds big time. While the wolves howl for more, the majority is forced to stop the bleeding that is the hallmark of the savagery against this country.

This nation is heading for a very bad place if we don’t stem the leakages that are allowing corruption to thrive under our noses. Somewhere, somehow, something has to give.

We can be sure the wolves are not contemplating an end to their grand scheme anytime soon. They constantly prowl the corridors of our public institutions hoping to identify loopholes and weaknesses they can pounce on.

They are cunning and menacing and ungrateful, giving no consideration to the consequences of their actions nor offering respect to our Constitution.

The very laws and public institutions that are supposed to work for the public good are being infiltrated and plundered for the gain of a few.

My belief is that this “steal from the majority and feed the minority” approach will not last long. They cannot suppress the truth and Melanesian culture is unlikely to enable the establishment of a “ruling class” which will exist in contradiction to the wishes of the people.

What we are witnessing is the creation of an environment for the emergence of “people power” as a legitimate means to end this chaos of theft and deceit. People will not be too long isolated from the benefits that they as a nation are supposed to be enjoying.

We have been our own worst enemy, deliberately turning a blind eye to corruption that is staring us in our faces.

We hope that it is just a bad dream and that all will be well when we awake from our bed. When something is wrong we tend to take a bystander approach. All of us are good at that. Hypocrisy is what we are good at.

The truth (and I hate to admit it) is that we are living in a country that is being designed to feed the wolves. When we become concerned and seek the truth, the wolves’ growl at Mother Corruption, the very mother that feeds them so well, as if they do not know her.

They duck for cover, jump in circles and bend the rules to preserve the power of their greed. They have done it so well so far, with no real opposition from citizens, that they are now chronic thieves living in a system of thievery.

Papua New Guinea belongs to the nearly eight million Papua New Guineans who are scattered from highlands to coast to islands but its riches are plundered to satisfy the greed of a minority few.

When they get caught in the act they scurry to preserve their “integrity” using for themselves the power that has been bestowed on them for the public good.

In a nation run by wolves, private interest is paramount to public interest. The wolves run the country for themselves.

Via PNG Attitude http://asopa.typepad.com/asopa_people/2015/10/the-wolves-are-devouring-us-in-broad-daylight.html