A proposal to establish Informal Economy Vendors Associations in Papua New Guinea: PART 1

Note: Discussions are extracted from a research paper written by the author as a partial fulfillment of the requirements of the NRI Diploma in Economic Policy Analysis Course of 2016

Introduction: 

It’s time PNG embrace informal economy and “leave no one behind”.

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo

The new Sustainable Development Goal’s theme of “Leave no one behind” aptly describes the much needed attention and effort that governments around the world urgently need to make to ensure humanity as a whole progresses towards prosperity. The future of mankind now hangs in balance and there is enough evidence to indicate that if urgent measures are not put in place by both the developed and the developing countries; we could be heading for the worst. Most countries including PNG have failed in achieving the Millennium Development Goals. In the 2015 summary report on PNG’s progress with the MDGs, the Prime Minister Peter O’Neill acknowledged that PNG “has not completely fulfill most of the MDGs” while Mr. Roy Trivedy, UNDP Resident Coordinator, acknowledged that “more needs to be done to protect the most vulnerable group”. With this in mind our progress towards achieving the new SDGs is critical to our development. 

Already PNG is seen to be playing a leading role in promoting the new SDGs with the development of its National Strategy on Responsible Sustainable Development (StARs). These principles have now been translated into the second Medium Term Development Plan (MTDP) of 2016-2017. Of greater importance and relevance to the informal economy is the fact that the MTDP 2 highlighted the “operation of the informal economy and streamlining the transition process for SMEs from the informal economy to the formal economy” as a priority. This is further supported by the SME Masterplan of 2016-2030 which identifies the development of a “plan” informed by research as critical to “non-formal sector transition into the formal sector”. However, compared to the first MTDP there is no clear indicators for the informal economy transition into the SME Sector. Even the proposed Service Delivery Framework has fallen short of identifying and embracing informal economy indicators. Furthermore, apart from the UNWOMEN/NCDC Safe Cities Market Project not much interms of programs and activities have been done to substantiate these high policy goals and plans. It makes one wonder how the government will ever increase the number of SMEs in the country.

The National Informal Economy Policy of 2011-2015 and its accompanying legislation (Informal Sector Development & Control Act of 2004) since its inception have not received the support it requires to help address problems affecting the informal economy. The lead implementing government agency (Department of Community Development & Religion) tasked to coordinate the implementation of the policy until recently has not taken carriage of the policy. As a result these important and “ground breaking” policies were at the brink of becoming “absolete”. It was only kept alive by the persistency and unremitting resolved of the Informal Economy Sectoral Committee of the Consultative Implementation & Monitoring Council. Now with under a new management the Department of Community Development & Religion is expected to play a more dominant and positive role.

The Consultative Implementation and Monitoring Council (CIMC) Informal Economy Sectoral Committee (IEC) was concerned that there was insufficient information available to substantiate policy actions on the part of the Government to support this important part of the economy. The result of a 1999 study looking at constraints affecting the development of the informal economy formed the basis for the development of the Informal Sector Development and Control Act 2004. In that study it was found that the informal economy or informal sector has been neglected. 95% of the participants in the survey claimed to have received no form of assistance at all. Not one of the survey respondents was a member of any informal economy organization (e.g vendor association, second dealer association) though they are members of church, women’s groups etc. (Eugenio, 2001).

In this paper, I will discuss the vendors associations concept and provide arguments to support its establishment. This paper is structured into six (6) sections. It begins with the purpose and justification for the proposed policy. The literature review specifically highlights the UN Women/NCDC Safe Cities Market Project and how lessons learnt from this project will assist in setting up the proposed Informal Economy Vendors Association. It will also draw from other studies looking at street vending and unionisation particularly around the South East Asian Countries. This is followed by a description of the research methodology. The fourth section elaborates on the concept of Informal Economy Vendors Association. The research findings from secondary data and their analysis are discussed in the fifth section followed by a concluding discussion and proposed policy recommendations.

Informal Economy Vendors Association – A proposal to give “Voice” to the informal economy Participants

Justification and aims of the proposed Informal Economy Vendors Association

The paper proposes lack of informal economy representation at the governance level as a major contributing factor to the poor state of the informal economy in Papua New Guinea. The lack of informal economy representation is attributed to the lack of institutional set-up to group the informal economy participants into “blocks” or “associations” to project a unified “voice” inorder to protect their interest. This has left the informal economy vulnerable to heavy handed tactics subsequently cases of violence, abuse and harassment are widespread in PNG. Case in point is the current betelnut ban being enforced by the National Capital District Commission (NCDC) in Port Moresby. Therefore, it argues the point that not providing “space” for informal economy participants’ representation at all levels of government to “voice” their concerns is against the PNG Constitution. It is simply bad governance for the government not to recognise the plight of the majority of its citizens who are engaged in the sector for income generation and survival. With no recognition and support from the government the informal economy in PNG has suffered immensely. 

This policy paper aims to contribute to the implementation of the National Informal Economy Policy 2011-2015 and the administration of the Informal Sector Development & Control Act 2004 (and its subsequent amended version) from the perspective of organising informal economy participants into associations and giving them “voice” in decision making process at all levels of government. It addresses questions such as;

    1)   Is the current environment suitable to stimulate growth in the informal economy?

    2)   Does the current governance set-up or structure at the national and sub-national level provide space for informal economy representation?

    3)   Does giving voice to informal economy participants lead to empowering informal economy participants?

    4)   Why is the idea of giving voice to the informal economy participants crucial to  PNG’s socio-economic development agenda?

   (PART 2: We will look at the literature review on the concept of vendors associations that have already been undertaken in other countries and establish its relevance to PNG)  

What now? Putting the spotlight on the K500 buai spot fine

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo

(Note: Buai and betelnut will be used interchangeably in this article)

Port Moresby residents are now warned not to chew buai in public places as the city commission imposes the K500 spot fine. As of today (1^st August 2016) the spot-fine will come into effect, ironically just in time for the FIFA Under 20 World Cup to be staged here in Port Moresby. It seems a trend is developing where the city commission toughens up on the sale and consumption of betelnut when a major event is about to take place in the city. We have seen this last year with the city hosting the 2015 Pacific Games so I expect this will be the case when the 2018 APEC summit gets underway here in Port Moresby. If this is so then I expect more gloom to follow the majority of informal economy city residents. I am saying informal economy in general because the imposition of the Buai Ban has had a wide spread impact on the sector as a whole.

In my blog here I analysed the impact the ban had on producers, suppliers, middle men and retailers. The ban forced people to resort to illegal means to earn income often at the expense of poor farmers back in the villages, particularly along the Hiritano Highway of the Central Province. In Port Moresby the ban gave rise to a thriving “middle men” business most of whom used the law to their advantage. The imposition of the K500 spot fine against chewers means that the war against buai will come to its complete cycle.

When the Buai Ban came into effect last year a mother was ran over by a vechicle when fleeing from the pursuing buai enforcers. The picture of her child sitting next to her lifeless body which was laying on the side of the road captured on the front page of one daily news paper was heart wrenching. Her death was tragic yet it heralded the beginning of the ugly and I might add fatal side of the ban. No one was immune to the ban including the Motu Koitabu villages. The death of a Hanuabada man and several injuries sustained by the villagers are remnants of the harrowing impact of the ban, another tragic story. As early as last week a youth from Tari in Hela province was shot dead by police when he was alleged to have smuggled betelnut bags into the city in his vechicle. Since then his relative can be seen marching up and down the street in Erima with a wheel burrow seeking donations from the public allegedly to repatriate the body back to the village and a “laplap” placard demanding retribution from the government. 

The commission itself needs to also make it clear whether it is imposing a “total ban” on the sale and consumption of betelnut or only “restricting” its sale and consumption to designated areas within the city. Betelnut trade in spite of the ban is thriving in all parts of the city and at times in full view of the public including the buai enforcers. Even the engagement of Police to enforce the ban has been controversial. Police officers are afterall constitutional office holders who are tasked to enforce the law and deal with criminal issues as per the Criminal Code and the Summary Offences Act. The sale of betelnut is in no way a criminal activity and therefore the engagement of the Police is unlawful. The only way to warrant or justify their engagement will be to declare “buai” an illegal crop much like the marijuana. This would then mean that its harvest, production, supply and consumption are illegal. Without such declaration the engagement of police is simply unlawful. The only reason why police was involved was to effect arrest as per the Arrest Act yet this is unlawful as well when Buai is not an illegal crop. NCDC being the municipal authority should only effect its laws and that includes Buai Ban by setting up inspectors to ensure those laws are adhered to. Infact if history is any indication of how effective NCDC’s partnership with Police has been under this ban then the rampant report of police aided smuggling and police barracks flushed with betelnut should disqualify any further partnership of this nature. 

The National Government at certain point needs to intervene to ensure the ban is not “draconian” in nature.  This is because the sale and consumption of betelnut in Port Moresby affects every Papua New Guinean regardless of one’s socio-economic status, cultural background, ethnicity and religious affiliation. Port Moresby is a multi-cultural city and the ban has already claimed lives. If left unchecked it could claim more lives. Secondly, the economic and social loss of imposing the ban is humongous. It deliberately goes against the national government’s efforts to stimulate the SME Sector. Let’s be fair dinkum here the term “green gold” is not given to buai for nothing. Just about most potential SMEs engaged in the urban informal economy are betelnut traders. This means that betelnut is responsible for sustaining the needs of the bulk of Port Moresby’s residents and generating income that is crucial for keeping the formal enterprises such as retail shops, financial institutions and transport in business.

Credit to NCDC the city municipal authority does have a plan to support cottage industry in the city but I don’t know whether that includes betelnut. The cottage industry initiative in NCDC will not work if does not include Buai because the reality is that the informal economy in Port Moresby and other major center is dominated by Buai trade. In saying that there is huge potential in the vegetables and fresh produce area of the sector but land in Port Moresby is becoming scarce to fully support the Port Moresby based farmers to develop this sector and ease the burden of cost experienced by most city residents. The cost of living in most urban centres such as Port Moresby is unbearable that most working class households are engaged in small scale informal economic activities such as Buai sale to supplement their formal income. In essence formal sector is heavily depended on the buai trade.

Above all the imposition of the Buai ban is an abuse of human rights. At the height of its implementation the public was subjected to unnecessary random checks. Most times the rangers’ conduct was hilarious and uncalled for as they carried out their roles in a misguided manner often at the disgust of the public. Now that the K500 spot fine is being effected the public should remain vigilant to avoid opportunists who may disguise themselves as buai rangers to take advantage of the hefty fine. NCDC on its part should ensure that its rangers should be readily and easily identifiable by the public to minimize such occurrence. Otherwise the K500 fine will be unleashing another paradox from the Pendora’s Box.    

Let’s talk freedom for West Papua if we want to open up New Guinea

“There is more to it than what meets the eye”

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo

A recent article by the director of PNG National Research Institute, Dr. Charles Yala where he posed the question “Why not open up the island of New Guinea” needs a serious consideration from the government. There is no secret as stated by Dr. Yala that the island of New Guinea is one of the “El Dorado” of the world. Abundance of untapped natural resources means that creating the enabling environment for investment to thrive could unleash a whirlwind of economic spinoffs that could significantly improve the livelihoods of its citizens. Yet there is no guarantee that such a grand noble idea could be transformative especially when PNG has a history of squandering billions of kina from its big impact projects and West Papua still suffers from the tyrannical rule of Indonesia. The PNG LNG Project is still yet to live up to its “grand expectation” that the government has always liked to boast about. West Papuans it seems are butchered everyday in their own land by a government that cares little about their wellbeing.

While Dr. Yala took a more economic centric focus on the idea; I strongly believe that discussions on opening up New Guinea cannot be done without addressing the future of West Papua, our own national security concerns and the region’s stability. I view these two as critical elements to realizing the proposal and achieving its objectives.

Such a proposition should only be considered once there is a “more positive” general agreement between PNG and Indonesia on the future of West Papua. The current agreement that recognizes West Papua as part of Indonesia is a problematic one and needs reconsideration. We should be careful not to promote an idea that may further marginalized the West Papuans. The West Papuans it is alleged are not a beneficiary to the current Grasberg Mine which is the largest gold mine and the third largest copper mine in the world. Illegal loggings are also ripe in this part of the world. Against this reality what is the guarantee that a comprehensive economic policy to open up New Guinea will improve their livelihoods? It is imperative that any proposal of this magnitude should recognize West Papua’s rights as landowners.

Such a proposal should first and foremost be addressed at the bilateral and multilateral level. Once again PNG should bring West Papua to the forefront in negotiating its bilateral treaty with Indonesia if it wants to develop such a concept. At the regional level, MSG and PIF should bring West Papua to the table now that it has rolled out the red carpet to Indonesia. Bringing Indonesia to our table is an important step but recognizing West Papua’s innate rights as Melanesians who deserve our recognition is a greater step to realizing this proposal.

The point is that while the idea of opening up New Guinea sounds like a great one, it cannot be feasible without the “active” participation or involvement of West Papuans. Yet such a proposal could turn out to be a blessing in disguise for the West Papuans and concerned Melanesians if Australia and China comes on board. China as alluded to by Dr. Yala has a grand vision to establish what it is now calling it the modern day “silk road”. Already it has included Australia, PNG and most of the Pacific into its “sphere of influence”. No doubt it would be interested in discussing the details of such a plan if approached by PNG or Indonesia. Furthermore, given our below the par capability to detect and withstand threats; opening up New Guinea may well heighten security threats for Australia and New Zealand. This is where Australia and New Zealand should be on the look-out if this proposal is realized. Therefore, opening up New Guinea cannot be just an economic proposition but should entail securing West Papua’s freedom, PNG’s national security and the region’ stability. Indonesia is the Musilm capital of the world and potentially could serve as breeding ground for terrorists cells while PNG and its provinces along the highway highlighted by Dr. Yala could serve as launching pads for Islamic terrorists to conduct their raid to destablise democracies such as PNG, Australia and New Zealand.  

     

A comprehensive proposal including these big players may well forced the hand of the Indonesian government to atleast offer autonomy to the West Papuans as an important condition to this deal. Indonesia will be seriously interested in the concept given that PNG is now becoming an important market for most of its products through both formal and informal trade. Opening up its borders could only be at their advantage. It may also be against this idea due to the fact that it could expose its human rights atrocities against the West Papuans which it strenuously hides from the world.

By all accounts opening up New Guinea is a worthwhile concept that needs serious consideration. It stands to achieve so many leaps and bounds for Indonesia, West Papua and PNG but it also stands to rewrite history. In a time when countries all over the world are becoming more conscious of their own security due to the spread of Islamic extremism; it is also worth asking if the time is right for us to push for such an idea. Thriving cities all over the world are increasingly coming under attack from terrorists. Opening up New Guinea in such a time will be a huge gamble for the PNG Government.

Brexit: What lessons are there for PNG and Pacific?

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo

Europe is in shock as Britain pulled out of the European Union in what is now termed as “Brexit”[1]. The EU is a union of 28 countries formed straight after the conclusion of the 2^nd World War.  

Britain is important to EU because it is its second largest economy and the world’s fifth largest economy. Thus her exit is now raising fears among European Union leaders that a domino effect could follow suit. Questions are now being asked if the EU will survive the Brexit. There are evidences on the ground indicating that “Nationalists” in various countries are now pushing for their country’s exit from the EU. Yet one could argue that this is abit premature given Britain and the EU have not yet seen the full extent of the outcome of Brexit. Already almost 3 million Britons have petition the government to revoke this decision. This looks likely to force an urgent parliament sitting to address these developments.

More importantly for UK, Britain’s decision to leave EU is already raising questions of independence for Scotland and other UK countries. Each of these UK countries are already left with a difficult task of deciding their own future – whether to stay with EU or break-away and rejoin Britain to maintain United Kingdom. So Britain’s exit could quickly lead to other important developments that could re-shape Europe’s future now and into the future.

While the pro-EU are in tears; the eurosceptics who have longed seen the union as repressive and wants their country to choose their own destiny are revering in their victory[2]. Under EU all the member countries are to comply to its laws which unfortunately may not necessarily be in the best interest of all the member states. The recent attack in Belgium and France orchestrated by the Islamic fundamentals or extremist groups however have only added to the eurosceptics’ arsenal. More and more people in Europe have demanded that their own government take a tougher stance against migration. Britain’s exit is eurosecptics’s finest hour and their call for protecting national borders is echoing through the corridors of Europe.   

The Brexit is sure to create a ripple effect across the world. Already the value of stocks on the stock markets including the Pounds has seen a significant drop. For the Pacific the result is sure to hit our shores much sooner than we expected.

PNG and the Pacific  

In 2007 EU concluded an Interim Partnership between PNG and Fiji which was ratified by the EU and PNG Parliament in 2001 and Fiji in 2014. This paved the way for its eventual implementation.

The EU is currently negotiating a comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement with all fourteen countries of the region (Cook Islands, Fiji, Kiribati, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, Niue, Palau, Papua New Guinea, Samoa, the Solomon Islands, Tonga, Tuvalu and Vanuatu). The comprehensive agreement would cover trade in goods, trade in services, development co-operation and trade-related issues like food health and safety issues, technical barriers to trade, agriculture, sustainable development and competition[3].

The Brexit case looks certain to put a halt on this negotiation. Right now the main focus will be on forging a way forward post Brexit. Britain for its part is going to have to negotiate an exit strategy with EU in light of its decision. Given its status; the pull out of Britain in the EU no doubt will mean a substantial lessening in financial support to EU. In addition most parts of Europe are still struggling economically and may not be able to step up to fill in the void left by Britain. This could potentially mean a renegotiation of the terms of the EPA. The interim Agreement provides PNG duty free access into Britain and European Markets – right now a much needed entry into the international market. A renegotiation may well turn this around and could affect PNG’s economy – more specifically its foreign reserves[4]. This will spell disaster for PNG given its current economic condition where problems in the foreign reserves have forced the government to seek financial arrangement with other countries.  

  

EU like set-up in the Pacific?

The decision by Britain to hold a referendum to decide its future in the EU has brought to the forefront this important question of whether the Pacific could emulate a similar set-up. There is merit for such a set-up to facilitate trade and labour migration – an issue that has recently gained recognition. There is also a need to establish a common security policy to address terrorism, illegal fishing, trans-national crimes, human smuggling and protecting borders. Most Pacific Island nations have a small military to protect its borders or EEZ. For the MSG it needs a common voice to address “West Papua’s” push for independence against Indonesia. Unlike Europe the Pacific are too small and have limited resources to be able to stand up individually to negotiate trade and security issues. Through such a set-up big and powerful Pacific Island Countries like PNG can be able to support a bail-out system to bail-out economically depressed countries of the region.

Adding on this like the EU Pacific Islands under this set-up could explore the option of introducing one common currency. However, as we have seen with the Greek crisis such an option is not viable at present in the Pacific which is prone to global market shocks. 

Nevertheless, in a region where tourism and trade (both raw materials and labour) is important having a common currency will ease payments for trade and reduce transaction costs to boost tourism.   

  

In addition, scattered by the Pacific Ocean most countries of the Pacific are often prone to isolationism. This means that internally most island nations especially those of the MSG have suffered from poor governance which has often contributed to political instability. An EU like set-up will ensure that all nations conform to a unified law that will minimize such turbulence. This will further curb the emergence or rise of dictatorship as the unified parliament can over-ride the decision of a national parliament on the grounds of human rights or democracy in general.

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[1] http://www.bloomberg.com/quicktake/will-uk-leave-eu

[2] http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21701336-eus-member-states-hope-stop-exit-referendums-spreading-europeu2019s-sceptics?fsrc=scn/fb/te/bl/ed/aseuropesscepticscheerbrexititsenthusiastsmourn

[3] http://ec.europa.eu/trade/policy/countries-and-regions/regions/pacific/

[4] http://www.radionz.co.nz/international/pacific-news/307370/'brexit'-could-affect-pacific-capital-raising-efforts

My take on what PNG Govt needs to do improve the economy

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo

What I have here is my own opinion on what measures the government should take to address the current state of the economy. I may be repeating some of the things that have been said by other astute economists like Sir Mekere Morauta but it seems the public still needs to be educated to an extent where they are able to appreciate the situation we have at hand. Subsequently, I felt compelled to provide a personal view on the economy when prompted to do so by a friend out of his concern for the country's economic welfare. I hope this will be of benefit to the readers as it is to my dear friend. From the outset it is important to understand that that to get to the core of the problem and fix it there is a need for reforms to take place at all levels of government. Otherwise, not much will be achieved.

1)     The government’s 2016 budget

The government should urgently introduce a revised budget or a mini-budget as the 2016 budget is no longer realistic given its assumptions have become irrelevant. We are already in the middle half of the year and if the government endeavours to persist with this budget it will be forced to seek additional loans domestically and internationally to support it. This will further increase our debt level. Right now rising debt means it is unwise and not prudent to seek additional financing to support the budget.

Introducing a mini budget will require humility from the government. Since taking over, the O’Neill government has pursued expansionary policies/deficit budget. Such a budget gives the government leverage over its opponents as it generates spending and popularity with voters.

Examples in PNG include the introduction of the free tuition fees, free primary health, massive infrastructure development and hosting regional and international events.

Right now Peter O’Neill is still popular amongst the general population because of such ‘populist’ policies and any move away could be politically damaging for the government.

In this context, introducing a new budget would be an admission by the government that its initial plan has stumbled. In fact it is looking ominous as each day passes that this is the case.

There is a real need for the government to quickly rein in expenditure and instill control and discipline in spending. Given that we are a year away from a general election, it will be a test of character for the government to adopt this stance.

2)     The domestic economy – support the informal economy

Apart from a rise in prices, local industries - including the construction and manufacturing industries - that depend on imports will struggle to operate.

The informal economy so often neglected by the government is poised to once again soak up the bulk of the spillover from a faltering mainstream economy.

The government is once again urged to support the informal economy as a key strategy. Any attempt to suppress the informal economy in these challenging times could backfire against the government.

3)     Increase in commodity prices may not be the panacea we want

Any increase in global commodity prices especially in the short run will not generate adequate foreign reserves to arrest the economy of the current ailments. The increase will have to be consistent for a much longer period like the previous golden period to ease the pressure that our economy is currently in. Yet this too will only be enough only when the government tightens its belt interms of expenditure.

The sad thing from all of these is that the more the foreign reserve debacle continues we could have few companies and thousands of Papua New Guineans out of jobs by the time the global economic condition improves.  

4)     Another LNG?

At where we are now getting the Papua LNG and other major impact projects into full productions will provide additional foreign currencies that we need to boost our foreign reserves. Right now the Papua LNG is set to commence construction in 2018. This means the production will commence a year later. This could explain the recent trip of the PM to meet with the French President.

All this means that the government will have to undertake a painful exercise to keep the economy afloat until such time that the prices of commodity picks up and new big impact projects like PAPUA LNG start production.

Adding on from the above it is also important to note that PNG is still recovering from one of its worst drought in history. This means that potentially most of our viable commodities such as coffee and cocoa are still recovering from the effects of the drought. So production maybe affected to a fairly large extent. Thus a rebound (pick-up) in global prices may not mean a quick exit from the current economic condition that we are in at the moment.

5)     The 2017 general election – Stop the spending spree

Past experience demonstrates that the period leading up a general election is one where the government goes on a massive spending spree to prop up its support among voters. However, this time around, given the critical state of our economy, the government will need to forego this pattern.

6)     Operating in vacuum

In a country where data collection is a chronic issue, economic data that gets spun around in the media no doubt generates skepticism. In addition, the government’s tight control on the release of key information about the economy (and its budget) raises question marks about the economic information that it issues publicly. Information produced by Treasury and Central Bank have always been important. But lately it seems these data have increasingly strayed from reality on the authenticity of this information.

The frightening thing is that we are not sure of the true extent of the mess we are in at the moment.

I suspect only the prime minister and his close aides know but they prefer to keep things tightly wrapped to prevent any negative fallout.

Yet they must also exercise caution and restraint. This is not the time to bank a nation’s future against an assumption that everything will turn out all right

7) PNG will need to undertake an urgent audit on its economic position.

It looks highly likely that this will not take place under the current regime. A change in government should do an urgent stock take on the status of the economy and then introduce reforms to put the nation’s economy back on the road to recovery.  There is far too much wastage in the economy that needs to be reduced or eliminated.  This means doing away or delaying meeting political commitments, right sizing the public service machinery, re-evaluating the government’s interest in key investments which includes SOEs and determine its viability. The government also will need to sit down with financial institutions both domestically and internationally to seek a new deal albeit at the cost of the nation. 

Banning Buai is creating a ‘hulkanian’ problem

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo

Hulk the Incredible comes to mind when one is asked to identify a comic character to describe the buai ban – which has seen a significant increase in the price of buai and the proliferation of smuggling and associated clandestine and illegal activities. Just like the Hulk, whose transformation is ignited by rage, the imposition of the ban and the incredible increase in price has caused vendors to be far more rebellious and prepared to defy the new rules and regulations.

The now illegal buai trade has created a whole new set of problems and challenges as suppliers and traders compete for the wealth to be acquired from the sale of the ‘green gold’ – leading to violent confrontations and deaths among the competing suppliers and an inexorable growth in lawlessness. The government could only watch as the buai unleashed its wrath on a city that is struggling with what I call a ‘Cinderella’ syndrome.  Whatever cosmetic treatment has been given to the city is quickly being eroded away by ugly red stains that are the aftermath of chewing a nifty combination of the buai nut, lime and mustard.

Stains of red invade the alleys, walls, walkways, footpaths and roads in the city. The presence of the buai husk is so pervasive, every cubic feet of public space in the city has been invaded. Rarely do you find a buai-free zone. The city drainage is overflowing with clot of both newly husked and old betelnut skins. Combating littering in the city is now a daunting task for the city authority.

The more hostile the punishment, the more elusive the conduct of the buai traders to stay one step ahead of the government in this lucrative trade. It seems unfair, but who should we pity? Now the buai vendors are cashing in and their nemesis, the ban, is now revered as their savior. Thanks to the buai ban the value of buai trade has increased by several folds.

Port Moresby in reality is a sham: cosmopolitan only from the outside. At the heart of its supposed modernity is a thriving buai trade that is an eyesore to the government but a lifeline for the city’s large population that earns its income outside of the formal sector. At best Port Moresby can be mistaken for Bruce Wayne’s Gotham with white collar crime now at its peak aided by a police force that is more and more treated with suspicion and disgust by its citizens.

A case in point is the poor response of police in attending to civil matters affecting the city’s ordinary citizens. Police officers are now said to discharge their duties on the precondition that ‘fuel or lunch’ money is provided. Thus there is a strong sentiment among the public that police nowadays prefer to provide ‘escort services’ to businesses and high profile individuals to earn quick bucks than attending to their basic responsibilities. Furthermore, the set-up of unnecessary roadblocks by various road authorities is becoming infamous for soliciting money from the travelling parties. The law of the land seemed more inclined to be lax when dealing with bourgeois than with commoners. Justice in the case of the latter is swift. Combining the ‘Harvey two-face’ style of justice system with a thriving buai trade and you have a city that is reminiscent of New York City during the bootlegging era.      

What resistance is good enough to stop its rampage?

Government efforts are languishing, but the tax payers are ignorant. If we are educated as we claim to be, then how come we allow millions of kina of our contributions being wasted on a failed policy? Our silence is just as responsible for allowing the buai trade to thrive. Imposition of the ban has had a significant impact on the health of the population especially when the chewing of betelnut is argued to be responsible for the spread of TB and mouth cancer. However, when we start to ask the all important question about the ban’s effectiveness in achieving these objectives, we come to a glaring reality that it has instead done more damage than good considering the fact that, since its imposition, loss of lives, smuggling and harassment have become rampant.

Since the buai ban, commonsense has been in ruins. Out on the streets, incivility thrives. Enforcement with its one eye closed is enthralled in this game of ’hide and seek’. There is no way to tell who is who. Enforcers have been tempted and have been found wanting. Now they all want a share of the money they help to make. 

The city is all but a jungle as it witnesses a new style of civil warfare. Buai rangers scamper in all directions in hope of capturing smugglers and traders unaware. Men and women, young and old are on a constant watch to avoid being caught. Their desperation to survive is our economic sin. Who are we to play God in an unjust society where the rich get rich at the expense of the poor?  Jail terms do no good to the traders. Nor are they justified when their crime is provoked by their desperation to survive in an uncompromising city. What good is a law when it takes the bread away from a dying man?

Regionalism – The most pressing threat to our nationhood

By Busa Jeremiah Wenogo

It is frustrating to see that the good campaign led by the students for good governance has now become a slugfest between certain ethnic groups. Recent reports of fights between students in UNITECH and UOG campus is beginning to deviate the nation’s attention away from the objective of the boycott. This has already stirred strong feeling of regionalism among individuals. What good will these actions have on our nation let alone the end goal that the students are pursuing at the risks of their studies and future? The more these sorts of incidents continue the general public of this country and the international community will begin to doubt the students’ intention. This is where the students if they are not careful could end up becoming their own worst enemy.

Subsequently, there are now growing frustrations among the general public that the student led protests are now turning out to be a contest between several ethnic groups. A quick glance through various pages on social media sites like facebook attests to this. Admittedly the exchange of foal languages between clusters of people in a public domain like facebook demonstrates certain level of hypocrisy on the part of the commentators. Most if not all seemed to lose sight of the fact that this is about saving “mother PNG” and has got nothing to do with personal vendetta or ethnicity.

Regionalism has and will always be our nation’s “Achilles heel” so long as Papua New Guineans are prepared to put their individual, family and tribal interests ahead of the nation’s interest. Infact history will show that PNG was only given birth because the people of this country whether they know it or not “put aside their various but unique differences” to pursue one goal. PNG as we know it today is a result of those great sacrifices. Therefore we owe our freedom and nationhood to our forefathers. As sons and daughters of these great men and women it is our moral, ethical and national duty to preserve this at all cost.

We are all indebted to “mother PNG” for providing us with abundance of resources to support our livelihood and our aspirations. Yet we have all at certain points in our lives taken her for granted whether we know it or not. Our socio-economic and political landscape clearly depicts a nation still grappling with the regionalism problem. People are recruited and jobs are given away more on “whom you know basis” than on merit. Even settlements throughout the country are set-up based on ethnicity and there are politicians who see fit to encourage this rather than utilizing an integrated approach where settlements become “melting pots” of Papua New Guinea. The political landscape in PNG is becoming more polarized on the “regionalism” grounds and that has led to the appointment of “wantoks” to key positions. Case in point is the claim by the Opposition that the Permanent Parliamentary Committee is comprised of 3-4 MPs from Southern Highlands. As such it has repeatedly knocked down the Opposition’s application for the “Vote of No-Confidence”.

Regionalism is a fallacy because it has the potential to cripple our nation. It is a potent that could weaken “our patriotism” and eventually kill our national unity, the glue that holds our unique and diverse nation together. In fact the very constitution that we are up in arms about because we sensed that it has been violated promotes “nationalism”. The spirit and intent of the constitution is such that regionalism should only be warranted so long as it promotes the nation’s interest. Regionalism should not compromise nor pose threat to national interest.       

Fighting corruption is the duty of patriots and not ordinary men. The students have demonstrated that with courage albeit several students have been wounded by the police. Nevertheless, the reality is that facing up to a nemesis as daunting as the government will require patient, courage and determination. From the outset it is important to understand that though the battle is against the government it is important to overcome all prejudices and obstacles that will thwart one’s own momentum. Thus the greatest adversary is oneself, the greatest evil is one’s own evil. There is a saying “if one wants to conquer the world he/she must first conquer him/herself”. From this standpoint students should ask if they stand a chance to conquer this battle if they are divided individually or as a group.

Time heals but it also test our character and resolve. The longer the battle there is bound to be frustration and cracks of disunity will begin to appear. Such a time calls for maturity and clear conscience. Anything short of this is sure to lead to a failure. In such a turbulent time the nation is calling for “men” to be separated from the “boys”. This is the time when commonsense and wisdom must prevail over hearsay and rumours. We should set our sights on PNG and nothing other than that.